Two weeks ago, Riga elected a new city council. While populist and pro-Russian parties did not win a majority and no foreign interference was detected, the results still raise concern. A notable share of seats went to parties that thrive on disinformation, conspiracy narratives, and anti-establishment messaging — often amplified through TikTok. What were their key messages and tactics?
First, a brief look at the Riga election results. The party Latvia First, led by Ainars Šlesers — often described as one of Latvia’s three oligarchs — emerged as the mathematical winner, securing 13 out of 60 seats in the city council. This is Šlesers’ eighth political project, founded in 2021. The party initially gained momentum by rallying citizens dissatisfied with government-imposed COVID-19 restrictions and vaccination requirements, primarily through social media campaigns. A year later, Latvia First won seats in the national parliament but remained in opposition.
A victory in Riga would have allowed Šlesers to push forward his latest business ambition — the Riga Waterfront real estate development, launched in partnership with an Arab investor — while also positioning himself for a potential power grab on the national level in next year’s elections. As its name suggests, Latvia First echoes Donald Trump’s political style. Its stance on Russia’s war against Ukraine remains ambiguous, while its primary campaign strategy centers on spreading controversial and often misleading video content across social media platforms to mobilize voters.
Šlesers’ plan failed, and even together with the two lists willing to work with him, he did not secure enough votes to take control of Riga. The so-called Latvian or EU-oriented parties managed to retain their majority. Then why do the election results still raise concern? It’s worth taking a closer look at the new composition of the city council.
Around 37% of votes in Riga went to parties that regularly use disinformation to attract voters. This is a higher share than previously.
Latvia First for example tries to appeal to everyone. While party leader Ainārs Šlesers speaks in media interviews about his plans to develop the economy, his party members on social media claim that Latvia is nearing bankruptcy, that chemical substances are being sprayed from the sky, and that wind turbines and solar panels cause cancer.
Union of Young Latvians, a previously marginal political group, won elected positions for the first time. The only visible activity of this party’s members appears to be spreading various conspiracy theories and Russian propaganda on social media. To ensure a spot on the ballot, they were included in a joint list by former MP Jūlija Stepaņenko — a prominent vaccine skeptic and advocate of so-called “natural families”.
Party For Stability! also does not shy away from deliberate disinformation. Under the slogan “We are more” (in Russian: Нас больше), it defends the interests of Russian-speaking residents and says it has no interest in what is happening in Ukraine. Shortly before the elections, the party brought in former boxer Mairis Briedis, who has 150,000 followers on TikTok and frequently shares distorted facts about Latvia as a failed state. Year after year, Briedis offers his “armchair expertise” on virtually everything — from road salt use in winter to tourism figures and state forestry policies — always painting Latvia in a negative light.
In Latvia, several political parties now openly treat disinformation on social media as a legitimate tool in the fight for votes. Another telling detail underscores this reality. This time, it wasn’t just the candidates themselves campaigning for opposition parties — they were joined by several popular online influencers and disinformation actors, particularly those with significant reach among Russian-speaking audiences. In some cases, it appeared that parties were lining up for their endorsement.
One such figure, well-known to Re:Baltica’s fact-checkers for spreading disinformation, attended a Latvia First congress last autumn, shaking hands and posing for photos with party leader Šlesers. For a while, he praised Šlesers in his videos — but as the elections drew closer, he suddenly appeared wearing the hoodie of a completely different party, claiming this one would not let people down.
What narratives dominated populist party rhetoric this year?
Who’s the Better Defender of Russian Speakers?
Although the elections were for Riga City Council, local issues often took a back seat in campaign messaging. Among populist parties, a major pre-election narrative — and a key point of competition — was the defense of Russian-speaking minority rights.
TikTok videos were repeatedly used to dissect which party had voted for or against restricting or expanding the use of the Russian language or the rights of non-citizens — despite the fact that these issues fall outside the jurisdiction of municipal governments. One such example can be seen in a TikTok video in which Sovereign Power leader Jūlija Stepaņenko addressed a group gathered near the party’s campaign tent: “If you like Šlesers, vote for us, because we’re the ones who will force him to respect the Russian language.”
Meanwhile, For Stability! leader Aleksejs Rosļikovs energized his electorate with warnings that, unless his party gained influence, the expulsion of Russian speakers from the country — and the capital — would become “the new normal.” Tensions were escalated further just two days before the election by a proposal from the nationalist National Alliance. It proposed to pass a parliamentary declaration aimed at “restricting the use of the Russian language in Latvia’s public life.” Although Saeima ultimately rejected the initiative, opposition parties framed it as an already approved ban on speaking Russian in Latvia.
“They’ll Steal Your Vote”
A new and striking narrative also emerged this election cycle: several opposition parties — along with influencers who supported them — warned their followers that if they didn’t turn out to vote, their vote would be stolen. This was the first time such a narrative was used so extensively in Latvia.
Populist parties further benefited from a technical failure in the vote-counting system on election night, which ultimately led to the resignation of the head of Latvia’s Central Election Commission. Days after the results were announced, Latvia First — realizing it would remain in opposition in Riga — declared that the elections had been stolen. The party accused the prime minister’s party New Unity of falsifying the results to prevent Ainārs Šlesers from gaining power in Riga. These Trump-style claims were made without any evidence. Šlesers is now asking the court to order new elections in Riga
Vaccine Disinformation: Still a Winning Message
In Latvia, vaccine-related disinformation remains a powerful political tool. Pandemic restrictions and Covid-19 vaccination policies have significantly eroded trust in the government among parts of the population. This has been most skillfully exploited by Sovereign Power / Union of Young Latvians.
During Jūlijas Stepaņenko’s three years on TikTok, two videos have been viewed significantly more than any other. In one, posted just days before the election, she calls for the defense of the Russian language and the dissolution of the parliament. In the other — recorded in Latvian and posted without any clear context — she discusses the supposed dangers of the Covid vaccine.
In that video, Stepaņenko praises the “so-called anti-vaxxers,” claiming they had been right all along, because, as she puts it, “you shouldn’t have been forced to inject just anything into your body, even if the state told you to.” The video, posted in February of this year, has been viewed 165,000 times.
“No” to the “Wrong” Immigrants
Another powerful narrative — widely used to mobilize voters in recent years — is anti-immigrant sentiment, promoted by several parties.
For example, the lead candidate for the National Alliance in Riga brought up the topic in nearly every other interview, arguing that Latvia should adopt a law banning the construction of mosques. Without such a ban, he warned, Riga would face the same fate as other European capitals allegedly plagued by immigrant-driven problems. It’s worth noting that Muslim immigration to Latvia remains minimal, and there are no actual plans to build a mosque.
Ainārs Šlesers of Latvia First also used fear mongering rhetoric, claiming Brussels would send thousands of Muslim immigrants to Latvia due to the country’s declining population. His proposed solution? Attract wealthy foreigners who would buy apartments in his Riga Waterfront real estate development project.
Meanwhile, scaremongering about immigrants — portraying them as carriers of disease and a threat to local women, has become a routine theme in Union of Young Latvians’ social media content.
Governing parties largely remain anchored in traditional media, appearing on social platforms mostly out of obligation, while populist parties dominate the digital space with far greater focus. They document their every move, relentlessly criticize decisions made by those in power, and do so in simple, accessible language. Unlike the politicians in power, they communicate in both Latvian and Russian. To reach even wider audiences, they enlist internet personalities often known for spreading misleading claims or outright disinformation. And they are getting elected. There is no sign that this trajectory will reverse any time soon.
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